THE RUSSIAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN

THE WAR IN UKRAINE IS SILENCED

February 26 , 2024 marked the start of the first official debate of the Russian presidential campaign, broadcast on state television. A crucial date, when outgoing President Vladimir Putin, candidate for re-election, had announced, true to his habits during previous elections, that he would stand on the sidelines of the debates.

This 2024 electoral campaign is taking place in an unprecedented context: Russia has been immersed in a high-intensity war against Ukraine for two years; the Russian economy is suffering under the weight of heavy sanctions imposed by Western nations; several hundred thousand Russian citizens have fled the country; and the front swallowed up the lives of at least 75,000 Russian soldiers.

Faced with such circumstances, it would have been natural to expect the theme of war to dominate discussions during the electoral campaign. If one of the debates was actually devoted to this "special military operation", allowing the three candidates to present their vision of this crisis, with on the one hand an attachment to a total victory for the communist candidates (Nikolaï Kharitonov ) and nationalist (Leonid Sloutski), and on the other a desire to launch negotiations for the candidate presenting himself as liberal (Vladislav Davankov), the contours and conditions of these negotiations remained unclear.

The debates took an unexpected tangent, focusing on a range of diverse subjects: education, culture, economy, agriculture, demography, housing... The candidates themselves were not always present in person, being represented by members of their political party.

Soldiers' mothers and criticism of war

On the other side of the media prism, the war takes on a completely different reality. Within the Telegram channel "Le Chemin du Retour", bringing together members of the families of mobilized combatants and counting more than 70,000 subscribers, the second anniversary of the war is not an occasion for self-congratulations, but rather a commemoration day.

“It has already been two years since this special military operation mercilessly tears our hearts. It destroys our families, produces widows, orphans, and leaves our elders in isolation,” we can read in the poignant lines.

"Two years ago, all of Russia descended into chaos and horror. No more hope for a peaceful future. [...] We were all plunged into hell. Our families were the first to be crushed by the state machine, and your own families and friends risk suffering the same fate after our annihilation."

It was between September and October 2022, during the outbreak of the military mobilization which forced the Russian state to forcibly enlist and send to the Ukrainian front nearly 300,000 civilians, often poorly prepared for combat, that the first collectives of families of soldiers were born. Gathering in front of local administrations and sharing videos online, these women were not opposed to the principle of mobilization, but strongly criticized its chaotic implementation.

The central authorities then ordered local authorities to take into account the requests of these families and to endeavor to resolve the problems they raised. After several months of silence, the movement has regained vigor as the first anniversary of the mobilization approaches, at the end of summer 2023.

This inaugural anniversary was not only a symbolic moment: it also carried an expectation of demobilization.
Initially loyal and in favor of a new wave of mobilization to replace the first, the Telegram channel “Le Chemin du Retour” gradually evolved towards radicalization in the face of the refusal of the authorities to listen to calls for demobilization.

As the presidential campaign approaches, activists from women's groups have tried to contact candidates to share their demands. Only Boris Nadezhdine, opposed to the war, had given them a favorable reception, but was quickly prevented from appearing. During the televised debate on the "special military operation", candidate Davankov mentioned the families' wish to see an end to the war, without going any further. As for Vladimir Putin, he did not address the subject during his annual speech to the nation: the demobilization of fighters was not really on the agenda of this campaign.

This mobilization of mobilized women inevitably recalls the movements of the mothers of soldiers, born at the end of the war in Afghanistan: they were active and influential opponents of the two wars led by the Russian state in Chechnya, in 1994-1996 then in 1999-2004. Outside of periods of conflict, they have also saved thousands of conscripts from mistreatment, violence and mortal danger within the Russian army.

Soldiers' Mothers were one of the most powerful social movements in Russia in the 1990s and 2000s.

Are the wives of those mobilized taking up their torch, and can they influence the perception of the war in Russian society ?

The
impossible public denunciation of the war

If the first years following the fall of the Soviet Union were marked by the emergence of the Soldiers' Mothers movements, a period of chaos and poverty, they were also distinguished by political pluralism and true freedom of expression. . Activists did not fear reprisals for expressing their opposition, and their demands were widely publicized by the media and supported by political actors.
However, few of these characteristic elements are found in the Russia of 2024. Although the movements of soldiers' mothers still exist, their leaders can no longer openly criticize the war. Any form of criticism is severely reprimanded. As the media space is strictly controlled, activists struggle to be heard outside of social networks.
The room for maneuver in discussions with military authorities is also very limited, because the army's action is itself restricted by the repressive context and the voracious demands of a resource-expensive war.

In addition, promises of financial support to fighters and their families paradoxically hinder the mobilized women's movement.

The attention of power

The dilemma proves just as thorny for the Russian authorities, which hesitate to adopt open repression against the women of those mobilized. The fighters on the front represent not only one of the pillars of the heroic narrative of the war, but also a sensitive and potentially dangerous group.
Just as the Kremlin has so far avoided sending conscripts aged 18 into combat to avoid provoking the anger of soldiers' mothers, it is currently sparing the wives of those mobilized.

It is imperative that the war narrative remains unchanged during the presidential campaign.




Jaimie Potts for DayNewsWorld